In his leaving speech on January 15th, President Joe Biden warned that an “oligarchy […] of extreme wealth, power, and influence” threatens American democracy. His warning referred to the technology entrepreneurs surrounding president-elect Donald Trump: X’s Elon Musk and, increasingly, Meta’s Mark Zuckerberg. The threat is not, however, confined to the United States, but to the European Union as well.
Technology dominance by “saving free speech”
Trump, Musk and the “Make America Great Again” (MAGA) Republicans believe that by buying Twitter (which he rebranded as X), Musk restored free speech and saved American democracy. Musk wants to replicate worldwide what he has done in the US and is already meddling in European politics, setting the stage for an inevitable confrontation between the EU and US. Zuckerberg compounds this challenge. He has joined Musk in urging Trump to protect US tech firms against European regulation, accusing the EU of “institutionalised censorship” on par with China.
The tech oligarchs have the backing of Trump’s Republicans. During the US election campaign, vice-presidential candidate J.D. Vance warned the EU that regulating X would be seen as an attack on freedom of expression incompatible with the democratic values of the Atlantic alliance. He added that such actions would lead the US to drop its support for NATO.
This situation amounts to blackmail. The EU’s choice is stark: ignore digital service laws, allowing Musk and Zuckerberg’s platforms free rein to propagate disinformation, hate speech, and political interference; or suffer substantial economic repercussions and security risks.
A muted reaction
Europeans have had a muted response to Musk’s and Zuckerberg’s plans to seek Trump’s help and flout EU regulations, suggesting an alarming willingness to capitulate. The European Commission, responsible for enforcing the 2022 Digital Services Act that Meta and X are contesting, has remained silent or opted for cooling the controversy down. European leaders have criticised Trump but appear hesitant to openly confront the US tech giants. They fear not just economic and security repercussions but also retaliation from US social media platforms; Musk has already used X to call out dissenting Republicans.
This concern is heightened because the dominant political force in the European Parliament, the centre-right European People’s Party Group, partially embraces the Trump-Musk-Zuckerberg narrative that progressives limit freedom of expression. Far-right leaders have gone even further. Giorgia Meloni and Viktor Orban have fully aligned themselves with Musk and Zuckerberg, asserting that X and Meta better uphold free expression than the European Commission.
Understandably, European leaders are reluctant to engage in a confrontation with the US, fearing greater costs than benefits. Determining how much of this interference will actually convert into votes for the far right is no simple task. Some policymakers may assume that its electoral impact will be negligible, others that it will backfire if anti-far right voters are mobilised by the perception that democracy is in danger.
However, appeasing Trump could come at a significant cost. When far-right movements lose elections, they often challenge the results. This can culminate in violent protests, as in January 2021 in Washington and January 2023 in Brazil, and could happen in Germany in February. Even without such incidents, unchecked interference can polarise politics and poison public discourse.
If the US government protected or encouraged its companies to defy EU law, it would violate the bloc’s sovereignty and risk reducing the EU into a digital colony, governed by US dictates rather than its own
Inaction would set a dangerous precedent. If the US government protected or encouraged its companies to defy EU law, it would violate the bloc’s sovereignty and risk reducing the EU into a digital colony, governed by US dictates rather than its own.
What the EU must do
Separate platform regulation from trade and security policies
Europe must decouple discussions about digital platform regulation from trade policy and security concerns. Should the US impose tariffs, the EU has tools to defend itself and should use them decisively. If the US ties support for Ukraine to digital platform policies, Europe should emphasise the shared strategic risks of a weakened Ukraine. Ukraine’s weakness strengthens Russia and bolsters China, threatening global stability.
Avoid partisan framing
The EU’s digital regulations were approved by a broad coalition of 539 parliamentarians (only 54 voted against), transcending party lines. This is not a conflict between European progressives and US MAGA Republicans, but a matter of upholding the rule of law. The European Commission must enforce these laws uniformly and ensure compliance by all companies, including US platforms like X and Meta, or Chinese platforms like TikTok—which is now under scrutiny for its role in the recent Romanian election.
Reject the narrative of a techno-ideological war
Europe must clarify that this is not a confrontation between the US and Europe but between certain tech oligarchs and democratic governance. The focus must remain on enforcing regulations against those who exploit their market dominance for economic gain and amass political influence to preserve those gains.
Refute the free speech argument
Europe does not have a free speech problem necessitating Musk’s or Zuckerberg’s intervention. The issue is not freedom of expression but whether the unchecked political power of tech billionaires undermines democracies. Musk’s support for the far-right Alternative for Germany on X is, in effect, indirect election financing. Other German parties would need to pay X a fortune in advertising to get the same level of exposure.
European election laws must recognise the influence of algorithmic amplification as a form of political activism and ensure electoral competition is fair.
Build alliances
European countries are not alone in this struggle. Other countries, including Brazil and the United Kingdom, are also resisting tech companies’ attempts to override national sovereignty. This crisis offers the EU a chance to create a coalition for digital and technological sovereignty, uniting democracies against interference that undermines social cohesion and amplifies hate-driven narratives.
Safeguarding digital sovereignty
The EU cannot afford to ignore threats that resemble blackmail from Trump, Musk and Zuckerberg. Capitulation would not only set a perilous precedent but also signal the EU’s submission as a digital vassal of the US.
Instead, Europeans must stand firm and use the bloc’s legal, economic, and diplomatic tools to safeguard its democratic values and technological sovereignty. By doing so, it can ensure a fair digital environment that is resilient to external coercion and conducive to a thriving, autonomous EU.
The European Council on Foreign Relations does not take collective positions. ECFR publications only represent the views of their individual authors.
This post was originally published on here
